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Survey of Minnesota Prison Inmates

October 1994

Report produced by MINNESOTA CITIZENS COUNCIL ON CRIME AND JUSTICE. Excerpts are reproduced here electronically. Copies of the complete report are available on request from:
Minnesota Citizens Council on Crime & Justice, 822 South Third Street, Minneapolis, MN 55415
612/340-5432

University of Minnesota Children, Youth and Family Consortium. Permission is granted to create and distribute copies of this document for noncommercial purposes provided that MINNESOTA CITIZENS COUNCIL ON CRIME AND JUSTICE and CYFC receive acknowledgment and this notice is included.

Jane F Gilgun, Ph D
Associate Professor, School of Social Work University of Minnesota Twin Cities

Kay Pranis
Restorative Justice Planner
Minnesota Department of Corrections
(formerly Director of Research Citizens Council)

Richard C. Ericson
President
Citizens Council

Acknowledgments

This report is made possible by funding authorized by the Minnesota State Legislature to assess experiential and environmental factors in the lives of Minnesota inmates. Senators Ellen Anderson and Jane Ranum were the authors of the legislation and the project's leading advocates

The Department of Corrections was commissioned to administer the study. The Department's cooperation and counsel made possible an extensive survey of Minnesota prison inmates which provides the central data base for this study.

United Way of Minneapolis Area, the University of Minnesota and Norwest Corporation contributed significant resources that made it possible to incorporate additional research and evaluation required for this report.

The study and preparation of the report were directed by the Minnesota Citizens Council on Crime and Justice in collaboration with the University of Minnesota School of Social Work and the National Adolescent Health Resource Center.

The authors are grateful to members of the Project Advisory Group who contributed hours of consultation on the construction of the inmate survey and the interpretation of results. The Group represents many sectors of the community and their names are shown in the Appendix of the technical report.

Special thanks to Randy Speer for his contributions to the design and presentation of this document.


FACT SHEET

Background

At the urging of the United Way of Minneapolis Area, this study was commissioned by the 1993 Minnesota Legislature to survey prison inmates in the state about their childhood and adolescent experiences. The purpose was to identify risk and protective factors that characterize prison inmates in order to have data on which to base public policy.

The Minnesota State Department of Corrections contracted with the Citizens Council on Crime and Justice to conduct the survey. The survey was administered in January of 1994 in all nine adult correctional facilities operated by the Minnesota Department of Corrections. A written questionnaire was distributed to all Minnesota state prison inmates. Forty-two percent of the inmates responded to the survey (1700 out of 4,000).

The study examined both risk and protective factors in the lives of inmates primarily during adolescence. The findings among inmates were compared to three other sample groups -- one group of adults, one group of adolescents (students) in public schools, and a group of adolescents in juvenile correctional facilities. The data indicate that most inmates had more risks and fewer protective factors than the non-inmates.

The following risk and protective factors are representative of the items on which inmates were surveyed:

Risk Factors

  • adults and peers in families and neighborhoods who model disrespect for and violence against others
  • few, if any, close relationships that model pro-social behaviors and values
  • childhood abuse and neglect
  • poverty
  • racism and discrimination resulting in diminished opportunities for jobs and education

Protective Factors

  • being respected and accepted within families and other social institutions such as neighborhoods, schools, religious organizations, playgrounds, communities, etc.
  • close, on-going relationships with others who model pro-social behavior and values, who are confidants and encourage emotional expressiveness
  • witnessing family members and others with whom we identify being treated with respect and acceptance and as having economic opportunities

 

REPORT

Risks and Protections

Picture two boys growing up in the same neighborhood. Both are 10. Both are physically abused and both live in poor families headed by mothers who love them.

One will grow into responsible adulthood: optimistic, a loving husband and father, and a dependable employee. The other will become an inmate of a Minnesota prison.

–What creates the difference in these two lives?

Kevin confided in a friend when his father beat him, and when he was worried about school or money. He learned from his friend's father how to fix electronic equipment and he tried to be like his friend's father. He liked school and enjoyed playing with other kids.

As Kevin grew older, his circle of friends widened, he developed hopes and dreams for the future, and he kept a diary where he recorded secret stuff about his feelings or girls or how the day went. He got drunk at a party when he was 16, and didn't like the feeling of being out of control; after that he drank only occasionally, and not too much.

Mark, at the age of eight, confided in a teacher that he was beaten by his father, who had joint custody with his mother. The teacher called his father, who denied the beating. When Mark got home from school he was beaten again for telling .

Mark never confided in anyone again. Instead he tried to be tough, like men he saw in the movies, TV shows and video games. They didn't feel hurt or helpless. They took what they wanted; they were in charge.

By the age of 10, Mark was stealing from stores and harassing other children, physically and sexually. At 11 he joined a group who stole and sometimes attacked others, who vandalized property and used alcohol and drugs.

When Mark was 14 he was sent to a juvenile correctional facility. Five years later he was convicted and sentenced for criminal sexual conduct.

Both young men were at risk for committing violent acts. One had on-going positive relationships while the other did not. Positive experiences and relationships were protective factors. The other boy had some protective factors but these were overwhelmed by a pile-up of risk factors. His life might have taken a more positive direction had there been early and effective intervention when he reported being physically abused at home.

In this study, we wanted to identify the risks and the protective factors that characterize prison inmates. Just like these two 10- year-olds, many people have risks, but only a small portion of those people go on to commit crimes. We wanted to know what makes the difference.

Identifying and quantifying those factors is the first step.

Executive Summary

This study measures risk and protective factors associated with prison inmates, primarily during their adolescence. Risk factors are those expected to be experienced more commonly by inmates than by the general population. Protective factors are those expected to be experienced less commonly by inmates than the general population.

The data on risk and protection factors of inmates was compared with similar data on two non-inmate samples and one sample of incarcerated juveniles. It was found that both protective factors and risk factors distinguish inmates from non-inmates. The data indicates that most inmates had more risks and fewer protective factors than the non-inmates representing the general population. Inmates' protections were overwhelmed by risks.

These findings support widely assumed relationships between adult criminal behavior and the experiences and circumstances of childhood and adolescence.

Inmates were not without positive forces in their early years. For example, most inmates reported feeling that their parents cared for them, and did not differ significantly from non-inmates in this regard. Yet, feeling cared for was not enough. What seems clear is that their many risks overwhelmed whatever protective factors were present.

We can learn from the lives of these inmates. Risk factors such as poverty, abuse, the absence of fathers and out-of-home placement were reported by a large portion of inmates. This suggests that the effective steps to reduce crime must emphasize preventive measures during childhood.

The data shows, for instance, that discussing personal problems during adolescence is a powerful protective factor when practices, and a dangerous risk when it is not. This insight could potentially guide social policies and programs in new directions.

The findings of this study do not excuse antisocial behavior, nor is it unreasonable to hold people accountable for their choices. They do suggest, however, that efficient use of public funds in reducing crime is investment at the "front end" -- an investment in Minnesota's children.

Findings

Finding 1: Inmates and Students Felt Cared about by at Least One Parent During Adolescence. High percentages of inmates, students and randomly selected Minnesota adults reported feeling cared about by their parents (82% to 90%).

Finding 2: More Inmates Did Not Want to Discuss Problems in Adolescence, and Fewer Inmates than Students Did Discuss Problems and Found it Helped. About one third of inmates reported that as adolescents they were reluctant to discuss their problems with others, compared with only six percent of students. Nearly one third of inmates reported they did discuss their problems and felt that it helped them, while the percentage was significantly higher for students (54%).

Finding 3: Inmates' Responses Indicate More Physical or Sexual Abuse in Childhood and Adolescence. Questionnaires indicated inmates were physically and sexually abused as adolescents in substantially higher percentages than students.

Physical Abuse
Male inmates 37%
Female inmates 46%
Male Students 5%
Female Students 14%

Sexual Abuse
Male inmates 26%
Female inmates 53%
Male Students 2%
Female Students 16%

Finding 4: Fathers Were Absent More Often in Families of Inmates. Similar percentages (56%/61%) of male and female inmates reported their fathers had been absent form home during their adolescence. In both cases, the percentage is significantly higher than that of male and female students (34%/38%).

Finding 5: Fewer Inmates' Parents Completed High School. Male and female students reported in similar percentages that their parents did not complete high school (10% or less). For male and female inmates the percentages were significantly higher (19 to 26%).

Finding 6: More Families of Inmates Received Welfare. More than 30% of inmates reported their families had been on welfare during their adolescence. The percentage for students was less than five percent.

Finding 7: Drug and Alcohol Abuse Was More Common Among Inmates in Adolescence. Heavy use of alcohol, and weekly use of marijuana and illegal drugs was reported by a substantially higher percentage of inmates and institutionalized juveniles than by students.

Finding 8: Felt Depressed/Suicidal. The percentage of inmates and institutionalized juveniles who reported feeling depressed and attempting suicide was much higher than the percentage reported by students. In all three populations, females reported these feelings in greater portions than males.

Finding 9: Fewer Inmates Liked School and Were Concerned About School Work. An almost equal percentage of students reported liking school and being concerned about school. They reported liking school in somewhat higher proportion than inmates, and a much higher percentage of students said they were concerned about schoolwork.

Finding 10: Working Long Hours Was More Common Among Inmates in Adolescence. About a quarter of inmates reported working more than twenty hours per week, a point at which school grades drop off significantly, according to a 1992 study of Minnesota education. Among students, only nine percent of males and four percent of females reported working more than twenty hours.

Finding 11: Frequent Shoplifting, Fighting, Vandalism More Common Among Inmates in Adolescence. Inmates and institutionalized juveniles reported they shoplifted, damaged property and fought with others in substantially higher percentages than students.

Finding 12: Out of Home Placements During Childhood and Adolescence Common Among Inmates. A large percentage of inmates reported that as adolescents, they had been placed with a foster family, children's shelter, group residence or other out-of-home facility.

Finding 13: Dropping out of School and Frequently Switching Schools Common for Inmates During Adolescence. About a third of male inmates reported they had dropped out of school or switched schools three or more times. For females, the dropout rate was significantly higher (48%).

 

 

 

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