Adaptation and
Age-Related Expectations of Older Gay and Lesbian Adults
Jean
K. Quam, Ph.D., Director and Associate Professor, School of Social Work,
University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN 55455.
Gary S. Whitford, Research Assistant, School of Social Work, University
of Minnesota, Minneapolis.
Copyright 1992 by The Gerontological Society of America
The Gerontologist Vol. 32, No. 3, 367-374
reviewed
2001
University
of Minnesota Children, Youth and Family Consortium. Permission is granted
to create and distribute copies of this document for noncommercial purposes
provided that the author and CYFC receive acknowledgment and this notice
is included.
Results
from a study of lesbian women and gay men in the Midwest over the age
of 50, who indicate high levels of involvement in the gay community,
provide a picture of the aging process of these adults that builds on
previous research efforts. Respondents reported acceptance of the aging
process, and high levels of life satisfaction, despite predictable problems
associated with aging and sexual orientation. Being active in the gay
community was an asset to accepting one's own aging.
Key
Words: Homosexuality and aging, Social support
The
past two decades have witnessed an increased interest in the lives of
those who are aging. Few studies, however, have paid attention to the
sexuality of older members of our society. Only a handful of studies
consist of samples comprised solely of older lesbians (Almvig, 1982;
Deevey, 1990; Kehoe, 1989; Raphael & Robinson, 1980; Ryan &
Bradford, 1988), of older gay men (Berger, 1980, 1982a; Friend, 1987;
Gray & Dressel, 1985; Kelly, 1977; Kimmel, 1979; Lee, 1987; Weinberg
& Williams, 1974), or of both (Berger, 1984; Minnigerode & Adelman,
1978). While this research indicates that older gay men and lesbian
women have not been ignored, Friend (1987) notes that the current body
of research is descriptive in nature, examining myths and stereotypes.
Published research also focuses more on gay men than it does on lesbians
(Berger, 1982a; Friend, 1987; Johnson & Kelly, 1977; Kehoe, 1986).
Deevey (1990) argues that this exclusion may result from a triple minority
status for older lesbians combining age, gender, and sexual orientation.
Older
lesbian women and gay men warrant more study. First, the exclusion of
lesbians is not addressed through studies focusing on older women. Although
older women are recognized as the fastest growing segment of the population
(Grambs, 1989), the reality that approximately 10% of this group is
lesbian is ignored. Older women are not a homogeneous group, and neither
are older men - diversity of sexual orientation within this population
needs to be better understood.
Second,
such research can counter the negative images of older lesbian and gay
people that are common in our society. Lesbians have been portrayed
as a social embarrassment (Kehoe, 1986), as loners without feeling or
attractiveness (Berger, 1982a). Older gay males have been described
as depressed, lonely, and oversexed (Kelly, 1977). These stereotypes
are voiced even among helping professionals, and the stereotypes remain
unchallenged when certain segments of the older population are ignored.
Literature
Review
History
The
history of research about older gay men and lesbian women is a short
one. Studies of older persons have typically ignored the possibility
that respondents may be sexual, or that they may be gay or lesbian (Berger,
1982a). The majority of research about homosexual populations focuses
on younger respondents. While both of these exclusions may result from
sampling difficulties, societal attitudes towards aging and towards
homosexuality play an important role (Minnigerode & Adelman, 1978).
Fortunately, the lives of older lesbians and gay men have begun to receive
some attention. A review of the current research reveals that a picture
of the older lesbian woman and gay man is beginning to emerge.
General
Results
Researchers
have speculated that being homosexual can facilitate successful aging.
First, the coming-out process may provide a sense of crisis competence
that buffers a person against later crises (Kimmel, 1978). Second, role
changes associated with aging may be less severe for the gay adult since
flexible gender roles throughout the life span have enabled the development
of independence and positive self-attributions, which influence adjustment
to aging (Friend, 1980). Francher and Henkin's (1973) data indicated
that the gay subculture insulates gay males from status role identity
and lessens the effects of anxiety inherent in role loss. Berger (1982a)
suggested that homosexuals are less likely to experience role losses
and more likely to exhibit role flexibility than heterosexuals are.
On
the other hand, Lee (1987) contends that heterosexuals do not have as
much to learn from aging homosexuals as Berger had suggested. Lee found
that the variables most significantly related to high scores on life
satisfaction for his sample were the same as those for heterosexual
studies of aging.
Aging
for homosexuals is not without problems, however. Problems associated
with aging for gay adults have been found to include stigmatization
of age, loss of friends, fear of institutionalization (Kelly, 1977),
loneliness (Kehoe, 1989; Minnigerode & Adelman, 1978), and health,
body, and physical activity changes (Berger, 1984). In his review of
the literature concerning the psychology of aging for lesbians and gay
men, Friend (1987) concludes that aging is more stressful and occurs
earlier for gay men than for lesbians, reflecting a within-group gender
difference concerning accelerated aging. Yet Minnigerode (1976) found
no evidence of accelerated aging for gay men compared to the general
population.
This
body of research has also been successful in refuting stereotypes and
myths concerning older lesbians and gays. Laner's (1978) study of personal
advertisements concluded that older gay men were not seeking to recapture
their youth through contact with young men. Berger (1980, 1982a) found
that respondents tended to score well on all measures of psychological
adaptation, including self-acceptance and depression. Few of the men
indicated serious depression, anxiety, or lack of self-acceptance. A
recent study of lesbian women found most women reporting excellent health
and positive attitudes toward their own aging (Deevey, 1990). Similar
findings include a stable self-concept (Weinberg & Williams, 1974),
satisfactory social and sex lives (Kelly, 1977), and strong friendship
ties (Friend, 1980; Kelly, 1977; Raphael & Robinson, 1980). No significant
differences between older and younger gay males have been found on measures
of loneliness or depression (Weinberg & Williams, 1974).
The
literature also indicates that integration into the lesbian and gay
community plays a vital role in these positive outcomes. Persons integrated
into the gay community have been shown to be more self-accepting, less
depressed, less fearful of aging (Berger, 1982a), and happier (Lee,
1987). The family support system is reinforced by supports from friends
(Friend, 1980; Raphael & Robinson, 1980), or is replaced by friends
when kinship ties are weak or absent (Raphael & Robinson, 1980;
Wolf, 1978).
Methodological
Problems
In
the course of studying older lesbians and gay men, researchers have
identified a number of methodological problems. Harry (1986), for example,
has noted the many problems inherent in sampling gay men. The basic
problem with sampling arises from the fact that inclusion in a study
is dependent on degree of activity in the gay community (Berger, 1984;
Harry, 1986). Therefore, even though stereotypes are being challenged,
most empirical evidence is based on very limited samples (Gray &
Dressel, 1985). Working-class and minority lesbian and gay elders are
underrepresented in almost all samples (Kelly, 1977). Over-represented
are white, well-educated, high socioeconomic status respondents (Berger,
1984; Kimmel, 1978). Therefore it cannot be assumed that most findings
are representative of older homosexuals in general; on the other hand,
Berger (1984) argues that a biased but diverse sample is sufficient
to refute stereotypes.
Even
when samples are representative, Laner (1978) notes that self-report
data may be contaminated by attempts to deny stigma attached to growing
older or to internalization of negative subcultural views of aging.
Other
problems emerge when studying this population. Most of the existing
studies have focused on urban homosexuals living in Los Angeles, New
York City, or San Francisco. Mixing men and women may result in data
that captures a general picture but does not accurately reflect the
specific situation of either gender. Combining all people over 50 years
of age into one category restricts our ability to understand the progression
of the aging process. Even studies with larger samples often contain
few people over 50 and even fewer over the age of 65. Finding subjects
over age 70 remains a serious problem. One way to address this concern
is to ask middle-aged people to project themselves into the future and
assess potential problems and advantages associated with growing older
as a lesbian or a gay man. The latter addresses middle-aged people's
perceptions and projections of concerns for old age, which may be an
important predictor of adjustment in old age. However, the over-70 population
of the present generation may evade large-scale investigations because
of present cultural biases and the "closet" issue.
Method
The
present study was designed to build on existing research. it describes
a group of self-identified lesbians and gay men over the age of 50 living
in a midwestern metropolitan area. The sample included 80 respondents,
39 of whom were female and 41 male.
Questionnaires
were initially distributed at a gay and lesbian aging conference held
at a local university. Subsequent questionnaires were distributed through
contacts with lesbian and gay social and religious organizations, and
through newspaper advertisements. Interested social workers serving
older populations made questionnaires available in low-income housing
projects for the elderly.
A 32-item
questionnaire was developed. Some questions were adapted from the study
of lesbians over age 60 conducted by Kehoe (1989); other questions reflected
similar questions asked of persons over age 60 in the Minnesota Senior
Study (Fischer et al., 1989). The questionnaire consisted of three sets
of questions. One set sought demographic information such as age, living
arrangements, relationship status, presence of children, and gross income.
The second set elicited information regarding respondents' social life:
presence of confidant, sexual orientation of closest friends, participation
in lesbian/ gay community organizations, interest in various types of
retirement communities and social organizations, and problems encountered.
A final set of questions measured life satisfaction, including questions
adapted from the LSIA (Wood, Wylie, & Sheafor, 1969). Respondents
also identified concerns about their own aging process.
Respondents
ranged in age from 50 to 73 years with 39% of the sample over the age
of 60. Gender differences in the sample were evident. Fifty-one percent
of the gay men were 60 years old or over, while only 25.6% of the women
were in this age group (see Table 1).
Fifty-two
percent indicated that they lived alone, although a significant (p =
.05) difference existed between men and women on this variable. Over
63% of the men lived alone, while only 41 % of the women indicated this
living arrangement. Previous studies with male samples have reported
similar results regarding living arrangements and percentage living
alone: 56% (Friend, 1980), 57.4% (Weinberg & Williams, 1974), 38%
(Berger, 1980), 71 % (Kimmel, 1979). On the other hand, these results
differ from other lesbian samples, of which 80% (Minnigerode & Adelman,
1978) and 57% (Kehoe, 1989) reported living alone. in the present sample,
of those who shared housing, 57.9% lived with a partner, 15.8% lived
with a friend, 7.9% with a relative, and 18.4% with other persons.
Over
61% owned their own home, while the remainder rented. Forty-eight per
cent resided in a single, detached dwelling, 31.3% lived in an apartment,
and 13.8% lived in a condominium. Here again a significant (p = .01)
difference existed between lesbians and gay men, for while 43.9% of
the men resided in an apartment, only 17.9% of the women indicated this
type of housing.
A minority
of respondents reported currently being in a relationship with a person
of the same sex (36.6%). The remainder of the sample were not in a relationship
at the present time, or indicated being separated or widowed after either
a heterosexual marriage or a relationship with a person of the same
sex. A small number of respondents indicated heterosexual marriage as
their present relationship status (5%). A high number reported having
children (58.7%). This figure is considerably higher than that found
in past studies where percentages of respondents with children were
37% (Friend, 1980), 35% (Raphael & Robinson, 1980), 31 % (Deevey,
1990), and 14% (Kimmel, 1979).
The
income level of the sample was fairly high, which is consistent with
past studies. Over 43% reported gross incomes exceeding $30,000 a year.
Fifteen percent had incomes below $10,000, which is similar to Kehoe's
(1989) finding of 14%.
Results
Lesbian
and Gay Identity
In
order to gain an understanding of the social context of people's lives,
questions were asked about participation in various community organizations
or activities geared exclusively towards the lesbian/gay population.
Indicators of involvement in the lesbian/gay community varied, possibly
reflecting both sampling methods and availability of opportunities (Table
2). Close to 64% reported that they had gone to or participated in a
lesbian/gay social group during the past two months. This result may
reflect the fact that sample recruitment included contacts with existing
social organizations for older lesbian and gay persons. On the other
hand, significant (p = .02) differences exist between lesbians and gay
men in the sample. Almost 77% of the lesbians indicated participation
in social organizations, while 52.5% of the gay men so indicated.
Respondents
indicated less participation in other indicators of community involvement.
Gender differences emerged regarding use of gay/lesbian bars. While
35% of the sample indicated that they had gone to a bar in the past
two months, men (47.5%) were significantly (p = .02) more likely to
have gone than were women (23.1 %). For all respondents, participation
in social service organizations, such as AIDS organizations or community
action groups (22.5%), and political organizations (11.3%) was low.
Participation in religious organizations was higher (33.8%), although
a significant difference (p = .04) existed between those over 60 (20%
participation) and those under 60 (43% participation). This result compares
with that of Minnigerode and Adelman (1978), in which 18% of persons
over 60 reported a current religious affiliation. Only 8.8% of respondents
reported participating in activities at a general population senior
center or club. This result is lower than that reported in the Minnesota
Senior Study, where 21% of the respondents participated in senior center
activities (Fischer et al., 1989).
A set
of questions about interest in social organizations for older persons
uncovered a range of preferences (Table 3). Almost 79% indicated that
they would consider participating in a social organization for older
lesbians only or older gay men only. Lesbians expressed a great deal
of interest in such an organization (92.3% yes) in comparison to gay
men (65.9% yes) (p = .00). A similar overall number of respondents (78.8%)
would consider participating in an organization that welcomes both older
lesbians and gay men, with little response differential found between
the two genders. When the question regarding social organizations changed
to include heterosexuals, the responses also changed dramatically. Only
33.8% would consider joining an organization designed exclusively for
older women or older men only. Twenty-seven percent of the sample would
consider participating in a general population social organization,
but gay men (40%) indicated more willingness to participate in this
type of organization (p=.02).
Reflecting
questions asked by Kehoe (1989) in the study of lesbians over 60, questions
were asked concerning willingness to live in various types of retirement
communities. Results were similar to the findings regarding social organizations
(Table 3). Sixty-two percent reported that they would consider living
in a lesbian only or gay men only retirement community, or in a combined
lesbian and gay men retirement community. Lesbians, however, expressed
more willingness to live in a lesbian only community (79.5%) (p = .00).
These results are similar to those of Lucco (1987), who reported that
87.7% of a sample of lesbians and gay men were interested in planned
retirement housing sensitive to the needs of gay men and lesbians. In
the present study, lesbians also expressed more interest in a community
for women only. A majority of lesbians (53.8%) would consider living
in such a community (p = .01), while only 24.4% of the men found a men
only retirement community acceptable. Forty-four per cent of all respondents
would consider a general population community.
Because
a lesbian/gay identity encompasses more than participation in formal
organizations, a question was asked about the sexual orientation of
respondents' friends. A significant difference emerged between men and
women on this question (p = .00). Over half of the women reported that
most of their closest friends were lesbians, while only 27.5% of the
men reported that most of their friends were gay men. Sixty-five percent
of the men indicated that their network of close friends contained a
mixture of women and men, gay and nongay. Only 38.5% of the women described
their friendship network in this manner.
Aging
Concerns
In
order to better understand the concerns of this population regarding
issues of aging, several questions were asked about life satisfaction,
environmental situations, and problems encountered as a lesbian woman
or gay man growing older. These questions sought information that could
be compared with previous studies and could inform practitioners regarding
the special needs of this population as well as the needs that cut across
sexual orientations.
Overall,
respondents tended to score high on measures of life satisfaction, current
health, and acceptance of their aging process (Table 1). On the life
satisfaction items, 50.6% of the respondents scored 75% or higher, with
a mean score of 72%, approximating Berger's (1980) sample, which reported
a mean score of 74.5%.
Seventy-one
percent of the respondents described their current health status as
good or excellent, while only 8.8% described their status as being poor
or very poor. In response to the question, "How accepting are you
of your own aging process?", most respondents reported acceptance.
Forty-two percent were somewhat accepting and 35% were very accepting.
Gender differences did appear on this measure but were not significant.
One measure of involvement in the community, participation in social
organizations, was positively related to acceptance of one's aging process
(p = .01). It was not unexpected to find that current good health was
also positively related to acceptance of the aging process (p = .05).
Intersection
of Aging Concerns
Two
items sought information regarding serious problems facing respondents
as lesbians or gay men who are aging. One item listed areas that can
be problems for older adults, such as income, health care, loneliness,
and sexual preference discrimination, and asked respondents to indicate
the degree to which each was a problem. The second item consisted of
three open-ended questions: "What are the most serious problems
you face now as a person who is aging?"; "What are the most
serious problems you face now as an older person who is lesbian or gay
and aging?"; and "Have you found that being a lesbian or gay
man helped or hindered your adjustment to aging?".
Responses
to the first item indicated specific problem areas for the respondents.
Slightly over half reported that loneliness was a very or somewhat serious
problem. Not surprisingly, loneliness was negatively related to the
presence of a confidant (p = .02). Interestingly, age of respondent
was positively related to whether the person confided in professionals
or nonprofessionals. Younger people were more likely to rely on professionals
than were the older members of the sample (p = .02).
Other
problem areas emerged. Sexual preference discrimination was identified
by almost half of the sample as a problem. Income (43%), age discrimination
(42.3%), and health (41%) also emerged as problems. Gender differences
appeared in several areas. Twenty-six percent of the lesbian respondents
indicated that income posed a very serious problem for them, while only
2.4% of the gay men found this to be the case (p = .00). Similar responses
were found with regard to health problems where 21.1% of the lesbians
indicated health was a very serious problem and only 5% of the gay men
experienced this as very serious (p = .00).
In
responses to open-ended questions regarding present and future aging
issues, health emerged as the most serious problem facing respondents.
Forty-one percent of the sample listed health concerns as a pressing
problem in the years ahead. Other problems included isolation (19.2%),
finances (19.2%), planning and funding retirement years (13.7%), and
developing relationships in the future (12.3%). When respondents were
asked to discuss problems specific to aging as a lesbian or gay man,
no single issue emerged as clearly as health; instead, a number of problems
associated with support were seen as potentially emerging in the years
ahead. Developing relationships in the future was named as a problem
by 18.4% of the respondents. Other concerns included health (17.1%),
making new, accepting friends (differentiated here from relationships)
(17.1%), fear of loneliness (13.2%), and lack of support (10.5%). Thirteen
percent of the respondents stated that they could foresee no special
problems as a lesbian or gay man who is aging.
The
majority of respondents to the final question believed that being gay
or lesbian helps in the aging process. Sixty-eight percent of the responses
reflected such a belief; 18% disagreed. A number of reasons were given
as to why a lesbian or gay identity positively affected the aging process.
Such an identity helped persons accept themselves as they are; the community
was very accepting and reinforcing; the stress of being in a sexual
and social minority had even enhanced psychological and spiritual dimensions
of life; and such a status forced people to plan carefully for the economic
problems of aging. Those who felt that their sexual orientation hindered
their aging process cited problems with loneliness, difficulty forming
long-lasting relationships, career problems, and fears of discrimination
in the health care system. Only 18% of the responses indicated that
being lesbian or gay had no impact upon their aging process.
Certain
aspects of involvement in the gay and lesbian community were significantly
related to this question (Table 4). Persons not active in social organizations
were most likely to believe that being a lesbian or gay man had hindered
their adjustment to aging (p = .00). Similarly, persons active in service
and political organizations were more likely to indicate that their
sexual orientation helped this adjustment (p = .05).
Multiple
regression analysis determined the predictors of the beliefs that sexual
orientation helped or hindered the aging process. Demographic variables
(gender, living arrangement, relationship status, age, current health,
gross income), community involvement variables (bars, social organizations,
religious organizations), and aging context variables (presence of confidant,
sexual orientation of friends, loneliness, acceptance of aging) served
as predictors of help/hinder responses. When the dependent variable
is "help," four variables (acceptance of aging, living with
someone, younger age, and absence of loneliness) account for 34% of
the variance in the response (Table 5). When the dependent variable
is "hinder," two variables (lack of acceptance of aging, and
older age) account for 32% of the variance.
Discussion
As
a gay man or lesbian woman ages, his/her sexual identity has the potential
to support their aging process or to create additional stressors. In
most research about gay and lesbian older adults, the samples are relatively
comfortable with their sexuality. It may be extremely difficult, if
not impossible, to find respondents who are uncomfortable with their
sexual preference yet who are willing to identify themselves as gay
or lesbian in order to be included in a study such as this one. This
study attempted to compensate for this problem by making questionnaires
available in low-income housing projects where someone could obtain
a questionnaire without publicly acknowledging their sexuality. Still,
until more representative samples of older gay and lesbian adults are
surveyed, a comprehensive portrait of their aging may not be possible.
This portrait, indeed, may have to await a less homophobic society in
which these individuals are more willing to reveal themselves.
Another
serious methodological concern is the fact that almost all research
on this topic looks at the young old, primarily those in their sixties
and seventies. We know very little, for example, about women who have
chosen to live their entire lives with other women (perhaps even having
a lifelong relationship with only one woman) and have received the majority
of their affection and support from women, yet do not define themselves
as lesbian. We know very little about males who have lived in a heterosexual
marital relationship and engaged ill numerous sexual encounters with
other men throughout their lives and yet do not define themselves as
gay. Despite a homophobic society, there is more acceptance for a man
or woman at any age to identify themselves as gay or lesbian today than
there has been in the past. And some respondents describe themselves
as "coming out" in their forties and fifties, which may have
been a result of a more open attitude toward sexuality.
The
areas of concern for aging gay men and lesbian women are primarily the
same ones as for most aging adults -loneliness, health, and income.
These concerns are similar to those reported by Berger (1982b). However,
the aging gay man and lesbian woman find another layer of concerns for
the future. Respondents wrote movingly of fears of rejection by adult
children and grandchildren when as a parent or a grandparent they came
out to their family. One woman felt she was particularly vulnerable
to the homophobia of her lifelong physician, who might provide her with
poor quality care or no care at all if he knew she was a lesbian. Many
respondents expressed a variety of concerns about discrimination in
health care, employment, housing, and long-term care compounding their
expected losses associated with the aging process alone.
Aging
gay men and lesbian women have fewer insecurities about the future when
they recognize and strengthen the positive aspects of their identity.
Many respondents feel satisfied with their lives and have a strong sense
of self. They have "come out" in painful ways at great risk
to themselves and others. They have faced ridicule and ostracism. And
many report that they have been made stronger by the experience. One
man wrote: "I've been aware of an enhanced psychological and spiritual
scope because of the stresses of being in a sexual and social minority."
They have found confidence and security in relationships with other
gays and lesbians. "My lesbian 'family' - in which I am the oldest
- has been a constant source of support. We are learning about aging
as a group." They are not anxious about their own aging, and their
life satisfaction is high.
Based
on this study, the authors speculate that older gay men and lesbian
women have less fear of aging when they have the support of older gay
men and lesbian women as friends and confidants, in social organizations
and in housing alternatives. However, the inverse is also true. A strong
fear of the absence of a relationship or the lack of understanding friends
was prevalent for most respondents as they age. There is a security
in aging with others with whom one can be genuine and honest. Gay men
in this study felt they could have this sense of security with older
women in general, but most respondents preferred to have associations
with other aging gay men and lesbian women. The availability of separate
services for aging gay men and lesbian women from the general population
is suggested by this study. While aging gay men and lesbian women may
use services integrated and segregated by sexuality, the availability
of services and associations with others with similar identities and
problems increases the likelihood of acceptance of aging and high life
satisfaction.
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